A POLISH PROCLAMATION
波兰人的声明
When the Tsar of Russia arrived in London, the entire police force there was already astir. It was claimed that the Poles wanted to shoot him, the new Berezowski had already been found and was better armed than before, in Paris. The houses of well-known Poles were surrounded by plain-clothes policemen, and the police inspector with special responsibility for surveillance of Poles under the Empire was even summoned from Paris. The police precautions along the Tsar’s route from his residence into the City were organised according to positively strategic principles—and all this trouble for nothing! No Berezowski showed up, no pistol shots were fired, and the Tsar, who was trembling quite as much as his daughter, got off with a fright. All this trouble was not, however, entirely in vain, for the Tsar awarded a tip of £5 to every police superintendent and £2 to every police inspector (33 and 14 talers respectively) who had been on duty for his sake.
astir a.活跃的，骚动的
superintendent n.主管人，监督人；警察局长，总警监
当俄国皇帝到达伦敦的时候，那里的全部警察都行动起来了。据说波兰人想刺杀他，已经物色到了一个新的贝雷佐夫斯基，而且这次比上次在巴黎武装得更完善。著名的波兰人士的住宅受到了便衣警察的包围，甚至还从巴黎召来了一个在帝国时代专门监视那里的波兰人的警官。在沙皇从他的住处到市中心的路上，警察防范措施已按战略原则作了严格部署，——可是，所有这些辛劳都白费了！没有发现任何一个贝雷佐夫斯基，没有响过一次手枪声，同自己的女儿一样提心吊胆的沙皇虚惊一场。然而，这些辛劳毕竟没有完全白费，因为皇帝吩咐赏给为他效劳的警监每人5英镑，督察员每人２英镑（合100马克和40马克）的小费。
Meanwhile, the Poles had other things on their minds than murdering the noble Alexander. The society called “The Polish People” issued an “Address of the Polish Refugees to the English People”, signed: General W. Wrôblewski, President, J. Krynski, Secretary. This address was distributed in large numbers in London during the Tsar’s visit. With the exception of Reynolds’s Newspaper the London press unanimously refused to publish it: “England’s guest” should not be insulted!
其实，波兰人所想的完全是另一回事，而不是刺杀高贵的亚历山大。波兰人协会发表了一篇《波兰流亡者告英国人民书》，在这份呼吁书上签名的有：协会主席瓦·符卢勃列夫斯基将军、秘书扬·克林斯基。这份呼吁书在沙皇访问期间在伦敦流传得很广。除《雷诺新闻》外，伦敦各家报纸都一致拒绝刊登它，说是不应得罪“英国的贵宾”！
The address starts by pointing out to the English that it was no honour, but an insult, for the Tsar to visit them at the very moment he was making preparations in Central Asia to overthrow English rule in India, and that if England, instead of lending a willing ear to the blandishments of the Tsar, this ostensible father of the peoples he oppresses, were to be less indifferent to the Poles’ aspirations to independence, England, as well as the rest of Western Europe, could quietly stop their colossal armaments. And this is quite correct. The background to all European militarism is Russian militarism. As a reserve in the war of 1859 on the side of France, in 1866 and 1870 on the side of Prussia, the Russian army enabled the leading military power of the day to vanquish its enemy in isolation. As the leading European military power, Prussia is a direct creation of Russia, although she has since grown too large for her patron’s liking.
blandishments n.（因有所求而）说的好话，讨人欢心
vanquish v.完全战胜，彻底击败
for one’s liking 适合某人的口味
呼吁书一开头就向英国人指出，沙皇正好是当他在中亚细亚进行一切准备来推翻英国人在印度的统治的时候来访问他们的，沙皇没有给他们增光，而是使他们受辱，如果英国不去倾听沙皇这位自诩为受他压迫的各民族之父的诱惑性言词，而稍微关心一下波兰人争取独立的愿望，那么英国和西欧其余国家都可以安心地停止自己的大规模备战活动。这样说是完全正确的。俄国的军国主义是整个欧洲军国主义的后台。在1859年战争期间俄军充当了法国的后备，而在 1866年和1870年则充当了普鲁士的后备，从而使这两个各在自己的时代领先的军事大国能够击溃自己的孤立无援的敌人。普鲁士作为欧洲头等的军事大国，是俄国一手造成的，尽管它后来超过了自己的保护者而令其感到不快。
The address continues:
“By her geographical situation and by her readiness at any moment to fight in the cause of humanity, Poland always was, and in future always will continue to be, the foremost champion of justice, civilisation and social development in all North Eastern Europe. Poland has incontestably proved this by her centuries of resistance to the invasions of Eastern Barbarians on the one hand, and to the inquisition, then oppressing nearly the entire West, on the other. How was it that the Nations of Western Europe were enabled peaceably to occupy themselves with the development of their social vitality precisely in the most decisive epoch of modern times? Merely because on the Eastern frontier of Europe the Polish soldier stood sentry, always watchful, always ready to charge, always prepared to sacrifice his health, his property, his life. It was owing to the shelter of Polish arms, that on Europe’s awakening to a new life in the sixteenth century, the arts and sciences could flourish afresh, that commerce, industry and wealth could attain their present wonderful extension. What, for instance, would have become of the legacy of civilisation left to the West by the labour of two centuries, had not Poland, herself threatened by Mongolian hordes at her back, come to the rescue of Central Europe threatened by the Turks, and broken the Ottoman power by the brilliant victory under the walls of Vienna?”
inquisition n.责难，盘问；宗教裁判所
sentry n.哨兵
接着呼吁书中说：
“由于自己的地理位置以及准备随时挺身捍卫人类利益的决心，波兰过去是，将来也始终是捍卫整个东北欧的权利、文明和社会进步的先锋。许多世纪以来波兰一方面反抗东方野蛮人的入侵，另一方面又反抗当时几乎压迫着整个西方的宗教裁判所，就是不可辩驳的证明。西欧各国人民能在新时代的决定性时期不受干扰地发展自己的社会的生命力，这是靠了什么呢？是靠 了而且只是靠了在欧洲东部边界上有波兰士兵在守卫着，他始终保持着警惕，随时准备战斗，从不吝惜自己的健康、自己的财产、自己的生命。欧洲在艺术和科学方面于16世纪重新苏醒了的生活所以能继续向前发展，工商业和财富所以能达到目前这种惊人的高度，都应当归功于波兰武器的保护。例如，假若不是波兰不顾自己后方遭到蒙古寇群的威胁而去援助中欧反抗土耳 其人，不是它用维也纳城下的光辉胜利粉碎了奥斯曼人的强大实力，西方200年来的辛勤努力所获得的文明的遗产会变得怎么样呢？”
The address goes on to argue that even today it is essentially Poland’s resistance that prevents Russia from turning her forces on the West and that has even managed to disarm the most dangerous allies of Russia, her pan-Slavist agents. The most renowned Russian historian, Pogodin, says, in a work printed by the order and at the expense of the Russian government, that Poland, hitherto the most painful sore on Russia’s body, must become her right hand by restoring her as a small, weak kingdom under the sway of some Russian Prince—that would be the strongest bait for the Turkish and Austrian Slavonians:
往下呼吁书中指出，就是现在，阻碍俄国用自己的力量来反对西方的，主要也还是波兰的反抗。正是由于这种反抗，俄国的最阴险的盟友———它的泛斯拉夫主义的代理人才被解除了武装。俄国最著名的历史学家波戈金在一本根据俄国政府的命令并由俄国政府出资印行的书中写道，波兰一向是俄国躯体中的一根刺，现在应当使它成为俄国的右臂，为此就必须使波兰恢复为一个受某位俄国公爵管辖的弱小的王国，———这样就很容易把居住在土耳其和奥地利的斯拉夫人吸引到自己这边来。
“We shall […] proclaim this in a manifesto, England and France will bite their lips, and as for Austria it will be her death-blow…. All the Poles, even the most irreconcilable, will fly to our embrace; the Austrian and Prussian Poles will reunite with their brothers. All Slavonic races now oppressed by Austria, Czechs, Croats, Hungarians (!), even the Slavonians of Turkey, will long for the hour when they shall be able to breathe as freely as the Poles. We shall be a race of a hundred millions- under one sceptre, and then, ye nations of Europe, come and try your strength with us!”
death-blow n.致命一击，导致毁灭的事情
sceptre n.（象征王权的）权杖，节杖
ye pron.你们
“我们将用一个宣言来宣布这一点；英国和法国会忍痛不言，而对奥地利来说，这是一个致命的打击……所有的波兰人，甚至是最不妥协的波兰人都将投入我们的怀抱；奥地利和普鲁士的波兰人将同自己的兄弟们重新亲近起来。现在所有斯拉夫族都在受奥地利的压迫，捷克人、克罗地亚人、匈牙利人〈！〉，直到土耳其的斯拉夫人，都将殷切地等待有一天能像当时的波兰人那样自由地呼吸。我们将成为一个处于统一王权之下的有一亿人的民族，到那时，欧洲各民族，你们来吧，来同我们较量较量吧！”
Unfortunately, this beautiful plan lacked only the main thing: the consent of Poland. But
“to all those allurements—the world knows it—Poland replied: I will live and must live, if I am to live at all, not as the tool of a foreign Tsar’s plans for world conquest, but as a free nation among the free nations of Europe”.
遗憾的是，在这个美妙的计划中缺少一种主要的东西：波兰的同意。其实，
“全世界都知道，波兰这样回答了所有这些诱惑：如果说我本来就该活着的话，那么我就要而且也一定要作为欧洲各自由民族中的一个自由民族而活着，而不是作为异邦君主征服全世界的计划的工具而活着”。
The address then explains in further detail how Poland has confirmed this unshakeable decision of hers. At the critical moment of her existence, at the outbreak of the French Revolution, Poland was already crippled by the first partition and divided between four states. Yet she had the courage to raise the banner of the French Revolution on the Vistula—by the Constitution of the 3rd of May, 1791—a deed that earned her a place high above all her neighbours. The old Polish economy was thus destroyed; given a few decades of peaceful development, undisturbed from outside, and Poland would have become the most advanced and most powerful country east of the Rhine. It would not, however, suit the partition powers for Poland to rise once again, and even less for her to rise through the naturalisation of revolution in north-eastern Europe. Her fate was sealed: the Russians imposed on Poland what Prussians, Austrians and Imperial troops attempted in France in vain.
partition n.隔断，隔离；分割，瓜分
往下呼吁书阐述了波兰是如何证明自己的这个不可动摇的决心的。当法国爆发革命的时候，波兰正处于生死存亡的关头，它已被第一次瓜分弄得支离破碎，它已为四个国家所分割。虽然如此，它仍然勇敢地借助1791年5月3日的宪法在维斯瓦河两岸竖起了法国革命的旗帜———它以这一举动使自己大大高出所有的邻居。波兰昔日的混乱状态由此而被消除；如果再有几十年平稳的、没有外来破坏的发展，波兰就会成为莱茵河东岸最先进最强大的国家。但是，瓜分波兰的列强是不喜欢波兰重新站起来的，尤其是不喜欢它由于把革命引进东北欧而站起来。它的命运被决定了：俄国人在波兰做到了普鲁士人、奥地利人和帝国军队在法国所没有做到的事情。
“Kosciuszko fought simultaneously for Polish independence and the principle of equality. […] And it is notorious that from the moment of the loss of her national independence and in spite of it, Poland, in virtue of her innate patriotism and of her solidarity with all nations struggling for the rights of humanity, became the most active champion of justice outraged, no matter in what country, fighting on whatever battlefield tyranny was resisted. Unbroken by her own disasters, unshaken by the blindness and ill will of European governments, Poland has not for one moment been unmindful of the duties imposed upon her by herself, by history and by regard for the future.”
“考斯丘什科曾同时为波兰的独立和为平等的原则而战斗。众所周知，波兰从丧失自己的民族独立的时候起，就不顾这种独立的丧失，依靠自己的爱国心，依靠同一切为人类利益而斗争的民族的团结，随时随地做保护遭到破坏的权利的先锋，参加一切旨在反对暴政的战斗。波兰没有因自己的灾难而气馁，没有因欧洲各国政府的盲目和恶意而动摇，它一刻也没有违背它本身、历史以及未来所赋予它的义务。”
At the same time, she has also developed the principles on which this future, the new Polish republic, will be organised: they are laid down in the manifestoes of 1836, 1845 and 1863.
它同时也制定了组织这个未来的即新的波兰共和国所应当遵循的原则；这些原则1836年、1845年和1863年的宣言中都作了阐述。
“The first of those manifestoes, while asserting the unshakeable national rights of Poland, proclaims at the same time the equality of rights of the peasantry. That of 1845, issued on Polish soil, in the then free city of Cracow, and sanctioned by delegates from all parts of Poland, proclaims not only this equality of rights, but also the principle that the soil, cultivated by the peasantry for centuries, shall become their property.—In the part of Poland stolen by the Muscovites, the landlords, accepting the above manifestoes as part and parcel of Polish national law, had long before the imperial so-called Emancipation Proclamation resolved to settle this internal matter, which troubled their consciences, voluntarily and by agreement with the peasantry (1859-1863). The Polish land question was resolved, in principle, by the Constitution of May 3rd, 1791; if since then the Polish peasantry have been oppressed it was solely in consequence of the despotism and Machiavellism of the Tsar who based his domination upon the mutual antagonism of landlords and peasants. The resolution was taken long before the imperial proclamation of February 19th, 1861; and this proclamation, applauded by the whole of Europe and pretending to establish equal rights for the peasants, is merely a cloak for one of the ever-repeated attempts of the Tsar to take unto himself other people’s property. The Polish rural populace is just as oppressed as before, but—the soil has become the property of the Tsar. And as a punishment for the bloody protest raised in 1863 against the treacherous barbarism of her oppressors, Poland has had to undergo a series of brutal persecutions such as would shake with horror even the tyranny of past centuries. […]
sanction v.批准，许可
part and parcel of sth. 某事物的基本部分，重要部分
Machiavellism n.马基雅维利主义，权谋，不择手段
populace n.民众，平民百姓
treacherous a.不可信任的，奸诈的
“这些宣言中的第一个宣言，除了宣布波兰的不可动摇的民族权利而外，还宣布了农民的平等权利。1845年的宣言是在波兰的领土上，在当时还是自由城市的克拉科夫发表的，并得到波兰各地代表的确认；它不仅宣布了这种平等权利，而且还宣布了农民应当成为他们世世代代耕种的土地的所有者这一提法——在被俄国人占领的那部分波兰领土上，地主们把上述宣言看做是波兰民族权利的基础，他们依据这些宣言，在沙皇的所谓解放宣言发表之前很久，就决定自愿地和通过同农民协商的办法来解决这个使他们的良心受到责备的内部问题（1859—1863年）。波兰的土地问题，原则上已由1791 年5月3日的宪法解决了；如果说波兰农民仍然遭受着压迫，这完全归咎于沙皇的专制和权谋，他是把自己的统治建立在地主和农民之间的仇恨上的。 上述决定早在 1861年2月19日沙皇宣言发表之前很久就已经作出了，而这个受到全欧洲热烈欢迎的、似乎要确立农民的平等权利的宣言本身，只不过是沙皇用来掩饰他夺取别人财产的一贯图谋的一个幌子而已。波兰农民依旧受着压迫……沙皇成了土地的所有者！而为了惩罚1863年波兰为反抗自己压迫者的阴险野蛮行为而举行的流血起义，对波兰进行不断的残酷迫害，其残酷程度甚至会使过去许多世纪的专制暴君都要不寒而栗。
“And yet neither the cruel yoke of the Tsar, though it has now weighed on her for a full century, nor the indifference of Europe, have been able to kill Poland.
“We have lived and we shall live by virtue of our own will, our own strength and our own social and political development, which renders us superior to our oppressors; for their existence is based, from beginning to end, upon brute force, prisons and the gallows, and their chief means of action abroad are clandestine machinations, treacherous surprises and, finally, conquest by force. “
yoke n.牛轭；奴役，束缚，枷锁
gallows n.绞刑架
clandestine a.秘密的，暗中从事的
machination n.阴谋诡计
但是，不论是整整一个世纪以来沙皇对它的残酷压迫，不论是欧洲的冷漠态度，都不能扼杀波兰。我们活过来了，我们还要活下去，因为我们靠的是自己的意志，自己的力量，自己的社会的和政治的发展，这种发展使我们大大超出我们的压迫者之上，因为后者的存在彻头彻尾是依靠野蛮的暴力、监狱和绞架，而他们的对外行动的基本手段就是秘密的阴谋，背信的袭击，最后就是暴力的征服。
Let us, however, leave the address, which has been adequately characterised by the above extracts, in order to append to it some observations on the importance of the Polish question for the German workers.
append v.（~to sth.）增加，增补
以上援引的这几段话已足以表明这个呼吁书的特点。我们现在暂且把这个呼吁书放一放，来就波兰问题对德国工人所具有的重要性谈几点意见。
No matter how much Russia had developed since Peter the Great, no matter how much her influence had grown in Europe (to which Frederick II of Prussia contributed more than a little, even though he knew full well what he was doing), she nevertheless remained essentially just as non-European a power as, for example, Turkey, until the moment she seized Poland. The first partition of Poland was in 1772; in 1779 in the Peace of Teschen Russia was already demanding the attested right to interfere in German affairs. That should have taught the German princes a lesson; yet Frederick William II, the only Hohenzollern ever to offer serious resistance to Russian policy, and Francis II agreed to the complete break-up of Poland. After the Napoleonic wars, Russia took, in addition, the lion’s share of the previously Prussian and Austrian Polish provinces and now appeared openly as Europe’s arbiter, a role she continued to play, without interruption, until 1853. Prussia was evidently proud of being allowed to crawl before Russia; Austria followed reluctantly, but always gave way at the crucial moment for fear of revolution, against which the Tsar remained the last bulwark. Thus, Russia became the stronghold of European reaction, without denying herself the pleasure of preparing further conquests in Austria and Turkey with pan-Slavist rabble-rousing.
attest v.证实；（在法庭上）作证，证明
bulwark n.保护人，保护者；堡垒，防御工事
stronghold n.实力强大的地方；堡垒，据点，要塞；（某种动物的）主要栖息地
rabble-rousing n.煽动群众
不管俄国从彼得大帝以来有了怎样的发展，不管它在欧洲的势力有了多么大的增长（普鲁士国王弗里德里希二世在这方面出了不少力，尽管他非常清楚自己在做什么），在占领波兰之前，它实质上一直像土耳其一样是一个欧洲之外的大国。1772年波兰遭到第一次瓜分；1779年俄国已经根据泰申和约要求并得到了干涉德国事务的正式权利。这对于德国各邦君主应当是一个教训；但是，尽管如此，弗里德里希—威廉二世，这个唯一认真反抗俄国政策的霍亨索伦王朝成员和弗兰茨二世仍然同意完全消灭波兰。拿破仑战争之后俄国又攫取了前普鲁士所属和奥地利所属波兰各省的极大部分，现在它公然以欧洲仲裁者的身份出现了；这个角色它连续不断地扮演到1853年。普鲁士对自己在俄国面前摇尾乞怜颇感自豪；奥地利追随俄国则是不情愿的，但是在决定关头它总是由于对革命的恐惧而让步，因为沙皇始终是反对革命的最后支柱。于是俄国便成了欧洲反动势力的堡垒，同时也不放弃利用泛斯拉夫主义的煽动在奥地利和土耳其准备实行进一步的掠夺。
During the years of revolution, the crushing of the Hungarians by Russia was just as decisive an event for Eastern and Central Europe as was the June battle in Paris for the West; and when Tsar Nicholas shortly afterwards sat in judgment on the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria in Warsaw, Russia’s domination set the seal on the domination of reaction in Europe. The Crimean War liberated the West and Austria from the Tsar’s insolence; Prussia and the small states of Germany were all the more willing to crawl before him; but, in 1859, he was already chastising the Austrians for their disobedience by ensuring that his German vassals did not side with them, and in 1866 Prussia completed the punishment of Austria. We have already seen above that the Russian army constitutes the pretext for and the reserve of all European militarism. Only the fact that Nicholas had challenged the West in 1853, relying on his million soldiers (who, admittedly, existed largely on paper only), provided Louis Napoleon with an excuse in the Crimean War to turn the then rather enfeebled French army into the strongest in Europe. Only because the Russian army prevented Austria from siding with France in 1870 was Prussia able to defeat France and to complete the Prusso-German military monarchy. Behind all these grand performances of state we see the Russian army. And even if the victory of Germany over France will just as surely produce a war between Russia and Germany— unless Russia’s internal development soon enters a revolutionary flux—as the victory of Prussia over Austria at Sadowa entailed the Franco-German War, the Russian army will always be prepared to oppose any movement in the interior of Prussia. Even today, official Russia is the stronghold and bulwark of all European reaction, her army the reserve of all other armies, ensuring the suppression of the working class in Europe.
set the seal on sth. 使某事万无一失，使圆满
insolence n.蛮横，粗野无礼
chastise v.批评，责备；惩罚
vassal n.藩国，附属国；家臣，封臣
enfeeble v.使虚弱，使无力
在革命年代俄国军队对匈牙利的镇压，对东欧和中欧说来，就像巴黎六月战斗之于西欧一样，是有决定意义的事件；其后，当尼古拉皇帝在华沙充当普鲁士国王和奥地利皇帝之间的仲裁者的时候，反动派对欧洲的统治也就随着俄国的统治的建立而建立起来了。克里木战争使西欧和奥地利不再受沙皇的鄙视；普鲁士和德国各小邦则更加殷勤地匍匐在沙皇面前；但是，在1859年沙皇就因为奥地利人的不顺从而惩罚了他们，不让他的德国藩臣袒护他们，而在1866年普鲁士则完成了对奥地利的惩罚。上面我们已经看到，俄国军队充当了整个欧洲推行军国主义的借口和后备。只是因为尼古拉自恃有百万大军——诚然大部分都是有名无实——，在1853年向西方进行挑战，路易—拿破仑才能利用克里木战争作为借口来把当时相当弱的法军变成欧洲最强的一支军队。只是因为俄国军队在1870年阻碍奥地利站到法国那边，普鲁士才能战胜法国，并建成普鲁士德意志军事王国。在所有这些重大政治历史事件的幕后，我们都看到了俄国军队。虽然毫无疑问，只要俄国的内部发展不是很快地转入革命轨道，德国对法国的胜利就必然会引起俄国和德国之间的战争，就像普鲁士在萨多瓦战胜奥地利引起了普法战争一样，——但是，俄国军队将始终帮助普鲁士来反对国内的任何运动。官方的俄国直到现在仍然是欧洲一切反动势力的堡垒和保护伞，而俄国军队则仍然是其他一切镇压欧洲工人阶级的军队的后备军。
Yet it is the German workers who are first exposed to the onslaught of this large reserve army of oppression, both in the so-called German Empire and in Austria. As long as the Russians stand behind the Austrian and German bourgeoisie and governments, the sting is taken out of the entire German labour movement. So we, more than any others, have an interest in ridding ourselves of Russian reaction and the Russian army.
onslaught n.攻击，猛攻
sting n.（昆虫的）螯针，刺；刺痛 take the sting out of sth.从…中减轻疼痛，拔出利刺
这支庞大的专事压迫的后备军的矛头首先针对的正是德国的工人，其中既包括所谓德意志帝国的工人也包括奥地利的工人。只要奥地利和德国的资产阶级和政府还有俄国撑腰，整个德国的 工人运动的双手就一直会被束缚住。所以，我们比别人更关心摆脱俄国的反动势力和俄国军队。
Moreover, in doing this we have only one reliable ally, which will remain reliable in all circumstances: the Polish people.
在这方面我们只有一个可靠的，而且在任何情况下都是可靠的盟友：波兰人民。
Through her historical development and her present position, Poland is faced, far more than France is, with the choice of either being revolutionary or perishing. And this scotches all the silly talk concerning the essentially aristocratic nature of the Polish movement. There are plenty of Polish refugees who have aristocratic cravings; but once Poland herself enters the movement it becomes revolutionary through and through, as we have seen in 1846 and 1863. These movements were not simply national; they were also aimed directly at liberating the peasants and transferring landed property to them. In 1871 the great mass of Polish refugees in France entered the service of the Commune; was this an act of aristocrats? Did that not prove that these Poles were at the very apex of the modern movement? Since Bismarck introduced the Kulturkampf in Posen and, on the pretext of striking a blow against the Pope, searches out Polish textbooks, suppresses the Polish language and does his utmost to drive the Poles into the arms of Russia, what happens? The Polish aristocracy is increasingly siding with Russia to at least reunify Poland under Russian rule; the revolutionary masses reply by offering to ally themselves with the German workers’ party and fighting in the ranks of the International.
scotch v.挫败，平息，中止
through and through 完全，彻底
strike a blow against 损害某种信念或原则
波兰由于其全部历史发展和目前所处的状况，较之法国在更大程度上面临着一种抉择：不是革命就是灭亡。因此，关于波兰运动本质上是贵族性质的运动的一切无稽之谈都是不攻自破的。在波兰流亡者中可以见到不少怀有贵族欲望的人；但是只要波兰本身一投入运动，他们就会成为完完全全的革命者，正像我们在1846年和1863年所看到的那样。这些运动不仅是民族运动，而且还直接为了解放农民和把土地转归农民所有。1871年，在法国的人数众多的波兰流亡者完全听从公社的支配，难道这是贵族的行为吗？难道这不是证明这些波兰人已经完全站在现代运动的高峰上了吗？自从俾斯麦把文化斗争引入波兰并且借口教皇受亵渎而取缔波兰文教科书，限制使用波兰语，并且利用各种办法迫使波兰投入俄国的怀抱以来，发生了什么事情呢？波兰贵族越来越接近俄国，以便在它的统治下至少重新统一波兰；革命群众的回答则是：建议同德国工人政党结成同盟，参加国际的斗争行列。
In 1863, Poland showed that she could not be done to death, and continues to show this every day. Her claim to anindependent existence in the European family of nations is irrefutable. Her restoration, however, is a necessity for two nations in particular: for the Germans and for the Russians themselves.
波兰是扼杀不了的，它在1863年证明了这一点，而且现在每天都在证明着。它在欧洲各民族大家庭中独立生存的权利是不容争辩的。但是，波兰的恢复，对于德国人和俄国人这两个民族自身来说尤其是必要的。
A people that oppresses others cannot emancipate itself. The power it needs to oppress others is ultimately always turned against itself. As long as there are Russian soldiers in Poland, the Russian people cannot liberate itself politically or socially. At the present stage of development in Russia, however, it is beyond dispute that the day Russia loses Poland, the movement will become strong enough in Russia herself to bring down the existing order. The independence of Poland and revolution in Russia imply each other. Meanwhile, Polish independence and revolution in Russia—which is far closer than it would appear on the surface, given the complete social, political and financial breakdown and the corruption that pervades the whole of official Russia—mean for the German workers that the bourgeoisie, the governments, in short, reaction in Germany, will be reduced to their own forces, forces that we shall, in time, overcome.
压迫其他民族的民族是不能获得解放的。它用来压迫其他民族的力量，最后总是要反过来反对它自己的。只要俄国士兵还侵占着波兰，俄国人民就既不能获得政治解放，也不能获得社会解放。但是在俄国目前的发展水平下，有一点是毫无疑问的：俄国失去波兰之日，也就是俄国国内的运动强大到足以推翻现存秩序之时。波兰的独立和俄国的革命是互为条件的。而波兰的独立和俄国的革命——在社会、政治和财政无止境地陷入崩溃的情况下，在贪污贿赂之风腐蚀着整个官方俄国的情况下，这个革命的爆发比乍看起来要快得多——对德国工人来说，就意味着德国的资产阶级和政府，简言之即德国的反动势力，将只能依靠自身的力量了，而这些力量，随着时间的推移，我们自己是能够对付的。